Entering into this project we had a series of strategic objectives to attain, in order to make the project worth our while.
Firstly, we wanted to show that even complacent leftist apparatchiks, who are ensconced in a world of established privilege, were vulnerable to being felled by a faceless stranger on a mobile phone.
The second objective was to accrue intelligence on their nexus of power. We wanted to show how such a structure extended from the college campus up through the world of journalism and all the way up to the Oireachtas floor.
Ultimately though, the goal of the entire project was to show, in all its ugly glory, the lengths this 5th column will go to in order to marginalise political opponents. In doing this, we hoped to ultimately wound a system that has hurt so many good people.
In this respect we can safely say the Irish Antifa Project was a success. The project claimed a major scalp in the form of a disgraced USI Vice President, and also has opened up the door to multiple academic complaints. Although these two achievements might not seem like much, symbolically they are great legitimizing force for this project, as well as for this publication.
The Burkean had been deemed either too irrelevant or too extreme to ever cause trouble for these people. Our journalists have since shown that nothing could be further from the truth. The Irish Antifa Project has exposed the future members of the Irish establishment for the corrupt gombeens they are.
While mouthpieces for the ruling progressive junta try to explain away this project, the psychological impact remains.
The Burkean has drawn first blood against the established powers, and everyone knows it.
If one high profile official is forced to resign in disgrace, and a variety of officials and personalities are left red-faced today, then what happens tomorrow?
Antifascism in Ireland is a surprisingly schismatic business, with a general divide between Irish republican elements and what can charitably be termed radical liberals.
The road ahead for the radical right in Ireland in dealing with these groups will involve a lot more guerrilla journalism in the years to come.
During the past half-century, our opponents have built themselves ivory towers in which to lord over this country, and the prior tactics of open opposition have exhausted themselves. It is time to abandon old methods and instead look to the philosophy of Barry and Collins.
Conservatism for most of our lives, if it can be said to have existed in this country at all, has been doomed to rearguard action against an opponent already hegemonic at every level of Irish life. For an Irish right to arise, it must realize that it is fighting a more established enemy. To that end, it must be first willing to deal in cloak-and-dagger before it can fight in the open. The Irish Antifa Project has shown how successful such methods can be.
In regards to the data we have recovered, sadly Ireland is a litigious society, and so over half of what we uncovered on the corruption in this society will sadly remain for our eyes only. Perhaps, if situations change, we will be able to reveal more of the shocking information that we gathered over the last few months.