The following first appeared on Substack and is syndicated with the permission of the author.

With the impending reality of the next Irish government being formed by Sinn Féin, I felt that it would be instructive to analyse some of the literature of a previous emanation of the party, specifically, the 1971 ‘Éire Nua’ document. 

Produced under Ruairí Ó Brádaigh and Dáithí Ó Conaill among others, the party laid out a vision for a future Ireland which is nowhere to be found in the party’s current program. Starting with corporatist economics, they framed a Catholic conception of the body politic in a radical Federal solution to the Troubles.

Virtually ever since its inception, this vision has been erased from the public sphere. As it is says itself in the Réamhrá:

‘Some of those who were involved in an attempt to take over the Republican movement had it suppressed’

It was banned from the airwaves by the Stickies in RTÉ’s Noel Stapleton Cumann, and it provoked the Liberals’ (like Conor Cruise O’Brien) into advocating for the Section 31 censorship bill. The Trotskyist influenced faction led by Gerry Adams, who took over the Provos in the late 1980s, similarly bashed Éire Nua. From the Neoliberal centre to the Leftoid extremes, the neo-Ireland we inhabit intellectuals excoriate the legacy of Éire Nua as iliberal and destructive at every opportunity.

This article attempts to provide a concise introduction to the basic premise of Éire Nua, with the hope of demonstrating why it has been so rejected. The crux of the article will focus on summarising ‘Éire Nua: The Social and Economic Programme of Sinn Féin’ (1971) pamphlet published by the Provisionals.

‘Comhar na gComharsan’ and Co-operative economics 

Firstly, the Éire Nua political programme sets out a third position on economics and attempts to ‘strike a balance between Western individualistic capitalism’ and ‘Soviet state socialism’ (p.4). Criticised by the stickies for being romantic and almost mythical, the economy would be remodelled in a “distributist and corporatist” manner, subjective to the native Gaelic character. Taking influence from democratic socialist policies like the nationalisation of the key sectors, while retaining a respect for private property and a contempt for bureaucracy, the authors define their system simply as ‘Economic Resistance’. Helpfully, they provide ten main principles:

Out of these principles, 1-6 refers to public ownership of finances as well as key sectors, 8-10 to national autonomy in cultural and geopolitical matters and 7 specifies protection for native private property. From these principles, the main objectives of the movement are referred to as: 1-2: state protection of local industry, 3 & 6: strengthening of trade unions and 4-5: a protectionist ‘Buy Irish’ consumer market.

The programme goes on to describe in more detail sector-specific applications of the Economic Resistance policy. In Finance, it espouses a reversal of the post-Lemass globalised project of Free Trade. For the Provos, a stand had to be taken against foreign control of Irish land:

‘The Economic Resistance Movement must also organise itself to oppose effectively the purchase of land by foreigners. Such purchases may, for example, be countered by the formation of co-operatives’ (p.10)

At the time the purchasing of Irish land by foreigners, particularly wealthy Germans, was a hot button issue in the rural West. It spurred on agrarian revolts like Lia Fáil, and even features in Thomas Kinsella’s poetry. The Provos took a firm pro-Irish position. The country was not to be sold off to foreigners, like the TK Whitaker Liberal Regime encouraged. In another striking passage the document states:

‘The post-1959 ‘boom’ is due (a) to relaxation of control of foreigners investing in Ireland, (b) to the actual subsidisation of such investment at the taxpayers’ expense. Not only is the country being sold out, but we, the people, are subsidising the price out of our own pockets!’ (p.13)

On the topic of industry, they advocate the building up of sophisticated manufacturing, instead of the Americanised knowledge-economy. Even in the 1960s, according to SF there was a ‘cult of the foreign expert’ and a lack of native ‘nest-egg’ know-how (p.18). The rule of non-Irish foreign Capital was naturally more pronounced in the North. Scrutinising the names of the Directors of even the smallest firms (10,000 to £30,000 capital) ‘suggests perhaps 10—15% Catholic ownership’ (p.16).

Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry follow similar paths of a co-operative nationalisation, while the planning of land and infrastructure will be community-specific and based around the promotion of large families. Generally ‘there would be a considerable reduction in the quota of foreign imported hardware’, with a consistent emphasis on self-reliance and family inheritance – a direct reflection of early Fianna Fáil’s protectionist principle of subsidiarity (p.29).

The Provos refer to their protectionist economic philosophy as ‘Comhar na gComharsan’. Perhaps best illustrated by the work of Desmond Fennell, this ideology imagines Ireland not as a unitary nation-state, defined by the liberal precepts of citizenship and sovereignty, but as a decentralised community of communities reminiscent of premodern Gaelic structures.

The Confederalist implications of this line of thinking will be expanded upon later, but its importance for Éire Nua’s economic project is delineating a governmental approach which puts communities first. It rejects the tentacles of both State and Market overarching into the domains of family and parish. While ‘Communitarian’ is the preferred modern term, its centrist implications are misleading. Fennell’s localism, influenced by E.F. Schumacher, as well as European autonomy movements, is inherently radical. It seeks a total retreat from the confines of modern Liberalism.

New Ireland’s National Ideal 

‘Family ties to the losing side in the civil war motivated many, and few had shared in the benefits of Irish Independence; above all they were overwhelmingly Catholic and conservative in their outlook. Éire Nua’s social and economic program appealed to all these elements.’ (Moloney, 340)

While the economic model of Provisional Sinn Féin is markedly distinct from the modern dialectic of Globalised Neoliberalism and International Socialism, it is perhaps the social politics which is of most interest to present-day dissidents. 

Despite the vague leanings toward left leaning anti-imperialism of the era, the leadership – and rank & file – of the Provisionals were ardently Catholic in ethos. As Ed Moloney recounts, ‘A profile of the typical rural Provisional supporter’ was ‘what one of their number called “peasant proprietors” and an Adams supporter once scornfully dismissed as “Fianna Failers with guns.”’ (Moloney, 339).

It should be said that the Provos were hardly the sectarian fascists the stickies made them out to be. As much as a certain Premier Irish Intellectual titillated himself/herself with tales of vulnerable wee Protestants boys being buckbroken in Offaly by IRA death marches – Éire Nua primarily sought a palingenetic renaissance of the ideals of Old Ireland.

Starting with the most central chasm in modern Ireland’s cultural consciousness, the programme makes the point that without our native tongue, Gaeilge, we are forever cut from our ethnic roots. It asserts ‘A national language is the medium of a nation’s culture.’ and that the embrace of it is core to the goal of Irish Independence:

‘It is because the Irish language “grew up” with our people and was the medium of expression for our distinctive culture that it is best fitted to bring about the spiritual regeneration necessary to foster the self-reliance among our people which is a prerequisite for the solution of our many social and economic problems.’ (p.39)

In a section of the programme which most clearly demonstrates the influence of Desmond Fennell, language is understood as the primary means by which a people express their metaphysical self-confidence. As in the tradition of Giambatista Vico, ethno-linguistic identity is an organic process, born directly from the relationship between a people and their landscape. To cut a man off from his native teanga, canúint agus nós is to alienate him from the soil upon which he lives, dies and is buried. 

For Gaeilgeoirí like Fennell, the slaying of a language through the duplicitous pen is far worse than the damage incurred by the whip of the grug. Borders can be redrawn, states fall apart. But the enclosure of the mind is an imperialism of the soul.

With this in mind, the authors strongly cite the theories of British colonial writers, such as Sir Walter Raleigh, linking the cultural genocide of English imperialism with today’s psy-opping through American soft power. Without a self-confident ethno-linguistic identity, we are condemned to be spiritually molested by the Great Satan of Anglo-American consumerism. Under Globalist Liberalism, the Provos claimed to foresee future generations of Irish youth wedded to the cult of debt-based consumption, bereft of coherent social and cultural identity, and ultimately succumbing to an anti-culture-destroying nihilism.

With due respect to the patience of readers, I quote this paragraph in full:

‘As things stand, we are losing the freedom of our minds, we are being assimilated completely at an ever growing rate with an Anglo-American mass-culture. We are being fed daily on books, magazines, films, television programmes, songs, etc., which propagate superficial international forms of culture that are devoid of ideals and do not seek to better mankind. With it comes alien thought — the Anglo-American mind, Anglo-American ideas, Anglo-American attitudes. We are rapidly becoming a degenerate provincial people, with no imagination, forced imitation, second-rate and uncreative. We are selling our soul for a mess of pottage. We are rapidly bidding farewell to nationality.’ (p.40)

To counteract the liberal imperialist project of spiritual annihilation, Sinn Féin’s project suggests a patriotic education system for future generations. The values of God, family and responsibility to one’s family would be strongly instilled. Along with an Irish language focus, this would entail much more emphasis on cultural and economic independence, ensuring children have a strong foundation for direct engagement with the needs and flourishing of their communities.

Again quoting in full, I would like the reader to consider the gulf between 1970s Sinn Féin and what they have become (try to imagine Mary Lou uttering these words):

‘Sinn Féin educational policy will aim to ensure the development and equipment of all the moral, intellectual and physical powers of our children so that they will become God fearing and responsible citizens of a free independent nation. The rights of the family as the primary and natural educator of the child and the spiritual interests of the various religious denominations shall be acknowledged within the framework of an educational system whose philosophy shall be to unify the people into one nation with one national consciousness.’ (p.45)

In terms of these social services, the practical-minded men of the Provos pointed to the template of the Folk High Schools founded by Bishop Gruntvig in Denmark. They emphasised ‘General principles of social and industrial co-operation’ which ‘prepared the minds attending them for the idea of voluntary association on the basis of self-government and solidarity’ (p.48). Similarly, institutions ‘run by religious orders will be safeguarded’ (p.49).

Following from the building up of localist principles, the party also supported a swift rebellion from the global technostructures of the EEC and NATO. They urge resistance: ‘Ireland’s sovereignty, independence and neutrality are not for sale to any foreign power or group of powers.’ (p.58). Sinn Féin’s Ireland would seek common cause in trade with anti-Imperialist third-world nations like Libya and Palestine over the World Capitalist Network.

The Federal Solution to the ‘Northern Problem’

Finally, there is the central premise of Éire Nua for the Provisionals themselves – at least in its finalised form – the Federal 32-County Republic. Ó Conaill, with the help of the noted Priest, Fr. Jim McDwyer, as well as the writings of Desmomd Fennell, formulated SF’s resolution to the Troubles remarkably early on, in the late 1960s, more than thirty years before the ultimate power-sharing Good-Friday agreement. Perhaps even more remarkable is how common sense it is, only taking up several pages at the end of the Éire Nua programme.

During his time in Mountjoy, Dáithi Ó Conaill took considerable influence from Fennell’s writings on Swiss federalism (Fennell, p.157). Ó Conaill went on to be chief propagandist behind the solution, modelled on the Confederate system of a decentralised community of communities. The entire island would be restructured to respect the ethnic autonomy of distinct socio-cultural regions. Moloney explains the crux of the system succinctly:

‘Eire Nua outlined a decentralised federal scheme that would consist of a central government drawn from a federal parliament, half of whose members would be elected nationally via a system of proportional representation and half drawn from four provincial parliaments that would have strong powers over economic policy.’ (Moloney, 338)

Moving the capital to Athlone, the four provinces system would allow for regional and cultural diversity of the country proper autonomy. Instead of the massified, unitary nation-state, power would flow upward from each local community of parishes. In this system, the ethnic and economic interests of local communities would be paramount, if a local community were to bound together and assert their right to regional and cultural autonomy, the central government were to have no authority over their wishes, bar explicit ethnic or civil violence of course.

Interestingly, this would have granted Ulster Unionists a coherent majority over the newly established ‘Dáil Uladh’. Not only that, but more specific regional communities would be dominated under the democratic control of Unionists also. Despite both the Stickies’ and Adams’ Marxist IRA have labelled Éire Nua-era SF as reactionary and sectarian, the latter attempted to attack EN for being soft on Unionism. As Moloney notes: ‘“It was, its critics claimed, a sop to loyalism.” Adams’ Revolutionary Council opposed Éire Nua’ (Moloney, 341). While crafted by conservative Catholic Nationalists, it is true that their federal solution had tremendous appeal to Protestants themselves.

The Federal scheme sparked considerable dialogue between the Provisional Republicans and the Ulster Unionists, as well as non-partisan Protestants. In particular, Desmond Boal, former chairman of the Democratic Unionist Party, took to the Federal solution strongly. Though he favoured a fully independent Ulster as opposed to confederate parliament which is devolved from a Central Irish state. Even Ian Paisley for a time showed interest in the proposals, urging Ó Brádaigh to provide a more detailed essay on them by Desmond Fennell in the Irish Times.

While these talks ultimately lead to nothing, it’s worth noting the alternatives to the far from definitive 1998 power-sharing arrangement. With modern Sinn Féin dominating elections on both sides of the border, the spectre of a Dublin-controlled United Ireland appears ever closer. While a discussion for another day, the impending centralisation of the Neo-Liberal Irish Regime over the whole of the island raises questions of future alliances. 

From Conor Cruise O’Brien in the 1970s to the bugman technocrats of FG, Greens, etc today, the agenda of the cosmopolitan elites has always been antithetical to populists on both sides of the border, South and North, Catholic and Protestant.

A Lost Corporatist Future?

In this article I have attempted to provide, an admittedly non-exhaustive, introduction to the revolutionary conservatism of Provisional Sinn Féin’s Éire Nua policy of the 1960s-1980s. From their corporatist economic model, social idealism and finally federal solution to the ‘Northern Problem’ — they are the antithesis of modern Sinn Féin.


Éire Nua: The Social and Economic Programme of Sinn Féin. 1971. Sinn Féin.

Fennell, Desmond. 1985. Beyond Nationalism. Dublin, Ireland: Ward River Press.

Moloney, Ed. 2007. A Secret History of the IRA. Dublin, Ireland: Penguin Ireland.

Posted by Creeve Rua


  1. Duine gan Ainm 23/12/2022 at 1:29 am

    Thank you for bringing this to the readership’s attention. I am surprised by how much the 1970’s Sinn Féin aligns with my stances, from third position economics down to a federal 32 County Republic. It is certainly something that I must look at in more detail.


  2. Ivaus@thetricolour 23/12/2022 at 3:17 am

    I will never understand,by virtue of being Native Irish how One fails to
    honor and defend Your family, home,culture,heritage,language,lands,
    tribal ethnicity,ancestry and future generations…surely if We all feel the
    same and towards Each Other,then WHY would Any individual or party
    that opposes OUR values get the chance to lead or represent US.
    It begins,My home,educated My school,cultivated by My community,
    cherished by My country and respected by OUR Government/President.
    Anything Less is classified Internationally as selling out A Nation and it’s
    People,surely we all know and understand what that means by now,2022.


  3. Loyalist paramilitaries bought into Eire Nua , unfortunately the powers in Belfast , Dublin & London didn’t . Ireland is so committed to the EU ; Eire Nua is history .
    Happy Christmas to all contributors to the site . Maybe some new yr articles will be written in Ukranian ( our second language ) ? L O L .


  4. Daniel BUCKLEY 23/12/2022 at 5:04 pm

    Its the economy ‘stupid’. Ireland sold its soul to the corrupt ,undemocratic EU.
    It sold its future Economic development, when it surrendered its Independent Sovereign currency the Punt, for the strangle hold of the EURO.
    Ireland has no monetary power over the Euro as to issue or Interest rates.
    Without control over its currency Ireland can and has become bankrupt in 2008 with debts to the ECB.
    The ECB debt is the extortion tool to control Ireland, by manipulating interest rates,which would threaten our Economy.
    To develop an indigenous economy, credit is required to develop the many local industries.
    This credit can no longer come from the Govt , they do not have power to issue currency.
    The 2 main Banks are not inclined to issue credit to small firms, it has a long return on investment period and is usually too small for their administration expenses.
    The secret to develop an indigenous economy is to create many small, non-profit local German style Sparkasses.
    This is the secret behing Germany’s thriving Industrial export sector, with about 5000 smal banks and China’s explosive economic growth with thousands more credit creating small banks.
    The strength of a Nations Economy can be quickly ascertained, by the number of small credit creating banks in that economy.
    Ireland has but 2 main Banks who do not invest in Irish Industry.
    Ireland is going nowhere until it resolves that issue.
    Foreign Direct Investment is but a fig leaf, when their profits are transfered to purchase USA Treasury Bonds and not re-invested in Irish development.
    Irelands FDI sector is 3rd behind China and Japan as the largest holders of US T-Bonds.
    A classic case of US Corporate looting.


  5. Ivaus@thetricolour 23/12/2022 at 9:58 pm

    Unfortunately Ireland will never be free of the debt caused by bankers,
    Politicians and bond holders.The foreign debt per capita is staggering and not even discussed…the only way is to write off this burden,failing
    that start arresting those involved and seizing all assets.According to
    Martin there was no bank bailout (1st arrest ) and Pascal signed off on
    the 2nd debt of 18billion (2nd arrest). Unless deterrents are put in place
    and implemented these white collar gangsters will continue their careers
    of plundering all Irish assets and amassing all unpaid bills to taxpayers.


  6. Eire Nua was a brave attempt to create a new dialogue with the Irish people on the way ahead for Ireland,
    But the assumption that the present Sinn Fein will soon form a government is ignoring the likelyhood of a voting pact between the two civil war parties.
    A new vision is needed to create a new home for the Irish people, and that will only be achieved through a program of social democracy (not the social democratic party of today) supported by a new constitution


  7. Ivaus@thetricolour 26/12/2022 at 7:02 pm

    Cheers Frank Chaney,
    You nailed it.Unless the Irish voting Public change their ways,stop the
    STUPIDITY that only concedes to the fiscal dilemma,they will never achieve jack shit.All parties at present are involved together, do not represent the voting Public,or Irish interests.Western democracy is failing,has failed because of a lockstep globalist doctrine,UN EU WEF NGO Communist influence. The whole of western governments have been locked into a two major party’s preference over generations.
    The fiscal dictatorship that controls the world,less than 1% want it all .
    So you do not play their game,it’s not the economy stupid,it’s a chance
    to set a New Democratic standard. Without proper democratic institutions, these Stupid individuals have no “It’s the economy stupid ”
    to play their games.
    A historic chance for Ireland to lead the world,set an example in new
    governance because ” It’s the economy stupid ” is the dictatorships cry.


  8. Daniel BUCKLEY 27/12/2022 at 1:21 pm

    Democracy has been a failure in the West ,becasue it has inherent weaknesses, as outlined by Plato in his Republic.
    Democracy requires an intelligent and informed electoral base.
    When the organs of Information , RTE. Print Media, Twitter ,Facebook can be controlled by Govt and the Financial interests behind Govt, the electoral base is biased towards the status quo from lack of true, informed opinion.
    This is done by propaganda or by omission or suppression of truth as detailed in the propagandist manual by Eadward Louis Bernays.
    The US has but 5 Corporations that control all TV/Radio/Newspapers/Magazines and thus the propaganda.
    ‘Control the message,control the People’.
    The recent revelations of FBI control of Twitter to influence the 2020 POTUS election and demonise Trump, demonstrates this powe
    The CIA operates the Mighty Wurlitzer, which is its control of Western News by means of plants in the many News organisations,especially the main News agencies of Reuters,API.
    We see these methods imported to Ireland, with the addition of the 6 billion euro NGO sector acting as pressure groupd for destructive Govt policy.
    Politics itself attracts opportunists, unfit for any other career ,other than self enrichment and aggrandisement .
    No special qualifications are required to be a success,other than wearing a shiny suit and conforming to the Party ideology,no matter how detrimental to the Public good. as we see with the Covid Lockdown policies ,Mass Migration, Child LGBT indoctrination policy in schools.
    When these policies are imposed by outside interests as the EU, there is no democracy or Independence.
    The other great failure of Democracy is the ability of International Corporations or Institutions , to directly influence pliticians by either bribery, blackmail or access to privilege.
    We see this in Ireland as Varadkar and Martin ingratiate, prostrate themselves, and sell-out Ireland for their Masters in the EU, in their hopes of a cushy ,highly remunerated job and pension in Brussels, leaving a wasteland behind in Ireland.
    For a short period we had the open critical political discourse on the many blogs on the Internet.
    Ireland is now in the process of plugging this gap by the Hate Speech Laws to prevent any dissent.
    Thus we descend into a totalitarian Fascist society as the docile citizens are kept stupid and uninformed ,with the many distractions used to lull them into a false sense of security. and unaware as the chains of servitude tighten ever more tightly around them.


  9. Ivaus@thetricolour 27/12/2022 at 2:17 pm

    I am sure most Irish Patriots are equally informed and up to date on
    the gravest situation unfolding and orchestrated by rogue governments
    with the assistance of international institutions plus controlled media.
    Educating their own family members and friends,building up to whole
    communities is an absolute necessity,a micro approach that will develop to a macro solution…knowledge and identifying the facilitators of the
    biggest threat to humanity and lives a world has not encountered before.
    There is a solution to every problem,it requires a will to solve what appears to be insurmountable,but begins with small steps.It is not a
    David v Goliath encounter…WE have the numbers,we are the majority and we will not be intimidated or controlled by an evil traitorous minority…they live amongst us,sharing the same space and our children
    should be smart enough to isolate and ignore,ready to defeat all enemies


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