National Action for Slow Learners: How the Clann Éireann Disaster Will End, and Why Chuds Need to Get Out

In 2002, Justin Barrett’s political career hit the skids. Speaking engagements with Italian and German neo-fascists—denied originally—came back to haunt the 30-something-year-old militant during the second Nice referendum, crippling the Eurosceptic cause in the final hours of campaigning.

Backpedalling from even tangential connections to Nazism on the airwaves, Barrett’s apology tour culminated with a rather feeble appearance on the Late Late Show—to be berated by Lucinda Creighton no less. 

After a punt at the European Parliament, the Granard firebrand temporarily exited right-wing politics, spending the next decade in an alcohol-induced haze that saw the implosion of his first marriage. Barrett later denied ever being married, citing canonical quibbles from his Lefebvrist background, and eventually professed private agnosticism.

For Zoomers, a universal piece of advice from pro-life, republican, and migration-control activists—radical and reformist alike—going back to the 1990s regarding Barrett can be summarised bluntly:

“Do not under any circumstances involve yourself with Justin Barrett.“

In 2016, Barrett attempted a comeback. The pre-Repeal and pre-Covid political right was barren, and he offered himself as a safe, electorally minded pair of hands.

The early years of the National Party were defined by his populist “base” strategy—trying to carve out an electoral foothold while publicly and privately pledging to eschew Nazism after the Nice Treaty debacle. His radio interviews from 2016, disavowing Nazism now sound almost comedic in retrospect.

While initially branding itself as an avant-garde yet authentic vehicle for Pearsian nationalism, the National Party famously tired of Barrett due to his inbuilt mania and alleged relapses into alcoholism, culminating in the gold heist saga of 2023.

Barrett’s self-sabotage accelerated during the pandemic years as he retreated to an online fantasyland of Telegram meme pages and exposure to the bargain basement of American white nationalism. Many boomers of his generation followed similar paths, descending into conspiracy theory politics, with Barrett to be seen as part of a wider generational trend.

This breakdown occurred right at the time migration politics became very real in the Republic and the outbreak of public agitation against it. Essentially, the world was moving on while Barrett fiddled.

A theme during the 2010s and early 2020s was Barrett’s indifference to the employment prospects of members. The self-styled Ceannaire, living the life of a social welfare parasite for 20 years as younger and older members alike, many with families, juggled a principled patriotism with the inherent HR risk of nationalist politics.

In a country free from hate speech laws, it didn’t matter to Barrett what he said or posted while he got his dole payments. 

By 2023, and with semi-frequent heart attacks, Barrett ditched any of his earlier promises of populism in the space of a year with a demented wish to transform his party into a neo-Nazi doomsday cult.

Therein set the stage for his ousting with dozens if not hundreds of normal, functional activists, donors and supporters ceasing activity in right-wing politics altogether out of a justified sense of disdain at the spectacle Barrett had become—or arguably always was below the surface. 

Young men wanted Pearse, and they were being offered Hitler. Working-class communities that wanted an outlet against mass migration got an immature political cul-de-sac. Middle-class professionals begging for something to the right of Renua they could peg their names to were instead being led by an unemployable crank.

Per many European examples dealing with neo-Nazi cranks, a collective albatross was placed around the neck of Irish nationalism, compounding an already immature conspiracy theory-ridden boomer ecosystem.

What appears to be the final iteration of the Barrett odyssey which originated in 1990s Young Fine Gael crystalised in the form of Clann Éireann. Footage earlier this year of Barrett stumbling around Granard, apparently drunk and easily getting pushed to the ground by a local has yet to register with some loyalists.

A dual-purpose outfit designed to financially rinse American donors for pennies and frustrate any and all attempts at viable electoralism the balaclava-clad CÉ chuds appeared in the Liberties over the weekend in a demonstration that, if any bigger, would have set the government and left further salivating.

While Dublin 8 is witnessing a militant fightback against mass migration through mobilisations at Basin Lane and has a social profile primed for a patriotic party, CÉ marched in for photo-ops with a Béarla-only banner and Barrett in Nazi regalia for extra effect.

The sad affair culminated with CÉ being ambushed by largely northern republicans (likely to have already infiltrated the organisation with ease) and viral footage of Barrett hectoring onlookers with verbal abuse masquerading as patriotism making its way into the national press.

The morbid spectre of a teenage and likely autistic CÉ member begging for mercy as dissident republicans nearly beat him to a pulp on screen hints at the ugly human cost before the remaining Barrettites and their cult.

Sardonically similar to dissident republicanism, post-war neo-Nazi organisations act as human threshing mills for naïve and eager young men, toyed around by intelligence agencies, narco-barons, and preyed upon by narcissistic loser personalities like Barrett. 

Irish nationalism, with its authenticity and humble radicalism based on the experience of our people, does not need or benefit from formulaic white nationalist slop licked off the floor of Stormfront imageboards. CÉ’s creation is a response to a post-East Wall and post-Coolock nationalism, not so much in moderation but merely looking to circumvent Barrett and other headcases, trading in fringe theatrics and problem personalities with community activism.

Thinking they are engaging in the early rumblings of a race war, CÉ is less a counterterror threat and more a stick for the state. The trajectory of CÉ has already been written and parallels the many doomed dissident paramilitaries, the contemporary Azov Battalion or Nazi groupsciples of yesteryear in Britain and America.

The CÉ chuds of today will make the political informants or unemployable right-wing activists of tomorrow, likely living the lives of broken men if they do not get out immediately. Think of the experiences of broken 1990s American white nationalists or former members of the UDA paramilitaries or British National Front, but applied to naïve 19-year-olds on Telegram.

The smarter ones in their ranks will realise (and some already have) that hyperborean TikTok edits count for nothing when confronted with the iron realities of the Offences Against the State Act and a stint in the rape cages of Portlaoise—or that fawning over a failed Longford accountant who unironically thinks he is Hitler does not translate into any meaningful political impact.

Assuming Barrett does not succumb to a heart attack, these kids will peel off, leaving a criminal, autistic and psychopathic core in the lead up to proscribement and a ham-fisted terror plot no doubt timed ahead of an important election cycle. 

An entirely reasonable theory is that Barrett will be killed likely by one of his older chuds when they realise the 4ft-nothing ex-YFG accountant from Longford isn’t built for national socialist direct action beyond stump speeches and calling for donations on podcasts.

Once proscribed, the latent dream of any serious antifascist or counterterror strategist, anyone tangentially associated with CÉ or Barrett in general, runs risk, effectively handing the state a readymade containment zone.

The final weeks and months of CÉ will be a feeding frenzy of touts, state and left infiltrators mingling with the diehards and criminally insane with nothing to lose, at which point it will be too late for any chuds still reading to eject.

Unlike the IRSP or Saoradh, CÉ does not have a community base in nordie ghettoes, narco muscle or republican tradecraft, so when pressed even lightly by the state, it will shatter into a dozen Telegram warriors at first notice, potentially leaving homicidal hangers on.

Neo-fascist groups consistently elevate unstable, narcissistic figures who thrive on personal loyalty rather than organisational discipline, with white nationalists and Nazis being the bottom of the psychological pile.

In the security sense, just like moronic boomers wading north and palling with UDA loyalists, CÉ plays perfectly into the government’s hands politically, mattering insofar as they are a chip in a wider game being played by more sober actors left and right.

Teenage chuds who imagine themselves firing the first shots at the GPO with Barrett are soon to be crying at the feet of their HR lady in a decade hence as they are locked out of employment prospects, soon to realise the criminal underclass that are attracted to “national socialist” politics.

While many pro-life activists north and south of the border did their time taking blows in republican activism Barrett was studying to be a Fine Gael aligned accountant. Anyone who knows republican veterans knows how ill-suited Barrett and his play-acting is.

You build mental asylums and prisons for people like Barrett, not political pedestals. Any sane nationalist society or even a functional neoliberal one would have cut his welfare payments decades ago and forced him to work. 

If Barrett wanted fire and brimstone he had ample chances during the Troubles with republican street action, instead he chose Fine Gael entryism and now Nazi LARP politics—all from the safety of a monthly welfare cheque.

Hinted at by legalistic appeals to the Electoral Commission and rush to the Garda station upon losing access to the gold, Barrett is sooner to snitch out younger activists than he is to attain political prominence ever again.

What nationalist politics needs can be summed up in two words. Human capital—and that is precisely what is risked by tolerating Barrett and his pathologies for another 20 years. Nazism eats all its children, and ultimately Barrett has proven himself a particularly noxious cannibal for all who have experienced him since the late 90s.

Ireland is witnessing a flurry of direct action against replacement migration and it is not and will not be done by CÉ and Co. From Coolock to the agrarian peripheries, young men and genuine community activists are risking their life and limb against state enforced asylum centres, while CÉ’s performative days in the park are cowardly in comparison. 

Ironically the disaster that is Barrett paves the path for what CÉ chuds call a “zio-right” muddying the water between Irish (ethno)nationalism and political craziness/criminality. The appearance of Sieg Heiling CÉ chuds in balaclavas effectively killed one community mobilisation against an IPAS centre in Waterford earlier this year with the continued existence of the org a godsend to a left in particular that is experiencing a working class revolt on migration.

Barrett’s faceoff with Rebel News’ Ezra Levant is a perfect example of his counterproductivity not just to the political right but Irish interests in general. 

Barrett’s performance was not a blow against Zionism or Israel, but a gift to them worsened by the moronic sniggers of his chuds. By embodying the caricature of the snarling pub antisemite, he handed Israel’s defenders the very narrative they want: that Irish criticism of Israel is rooted in bigotry, not solidarity. This is the pattern of Nazi politics everywhere—it sabotages legitimate causes by attaching stigma and toxicity to them.

The effectiveness of Irish anti-zionism internationally is a clean bill of health with regards to moronic antisemitism, its ability to command the moral high ground, something that enrages zionist lobbyists from Capitol Hill to the Golan Heights. 

Similar to his input on migration, Barrett plays the role for Israel as the pub antisemite to undermine the Irish cause for Palestine. At a time when barriers between X and policymaking are melting away, do not underestimate how valuable the footage of Barrett with Levant was and where it was cited publicly and privately in Israel’s PR campaign against Ireland.

Just like how Farage was forced to disavow identitarian nationalism thanks to the BNP and Combat 18 or Trumpism veering left post-Charlottesville, Nazism in its manifestations only cedes space to the state having fuelled itself on young male anxiety.

The dividing line in right-wing politics in Ireland the year 2025 is not radicalism versus reformism, ethno-nationalism versus civic nationalism. It is normal and competent versus demented and dysfunctional. The sobertards versus the alcoholics. The rooted versus the terminally online. Those with functioning private lives contra anti-social freaks.

Catholics know that Nazism doesn’t build communities: it burns them. Narcissistic personality disorders wear many disguises (some of them SS coats on Kildare Street) but the results are always the same.

For any CÉ diehards, please take this to heart.

Barrett does not care what happens to you. He has burned every bridge in his own life and will gladly burn yours too, as he has since the 90s under different political skins. When the crackdown comes, it is not his career or future on the line; he has none left to lose, seeing this venture as a revenge quest and final stop before the grave. It will be your name on a Garda file, your job prospects gone, your family humiliated, your freedom at risk. To him, you are disposable, a prop in his endless midget psychodrama.

There is a reason you already wear masks. If you stay, you will discover too late that the only thing Barrett ever truly believed in was his own ego, and that belief will cost you everything.

So in conclusion, Chuds we are warning you from the goodness of our hearts, you have been warned. Get out now. Barrett is not going to visit you in Portlaoise.