Within Irish defence and foreign policy circles, the United Nations Interim Forces in Lebanon (UNFIL) has a particular pride of place. Deployed since 1978 to assist in peacekeeping operations on the Lebanese-Israeli frontier, 330 Irish soldiers of the 126th Infantry Battalion are on active duty out of Camp Shamroc,k policing hostilities between Hezbollah and the IDF, gallantly trying to breathe some life into the moribund Lebanese Army.
The presence of Ireland’s unwavering commitment to UN peacekeeping, international law, and a rules-based international order, even as diminishing resources in the Defense Forces and Europeanisation of Irish military deployments with an eye on Ukraine put the future of the mission in doubt.
News of potential American intentions to put a fork in UNIFL to make way for a wider Israeli incursion against Iran and their proxies in Lebanon is a bad omen for the soldiers of the 126th and their political masters in Dublin. The mission’s UN mandate would collapse overnight if the Pentagon decides not to renew support (vaporising 25% of UNIFL’s budget) and would almost certainly force a wider withdrawal.
The prospect of Irish troops not even being able to be airlifted out of Lebanon is another kick in the teeth for the Department of Defence, with Irish rhetoric on Palestine coming into stark contrast to the famished nature of the army.
An Irish withdrawal or mission collapse could damage Ireland’s reputation as a reliable UN peacekeeping contributor, a core psychological pillar of its defence and foreign policy. Ireland’s presence in Lebanon projects values, but without influence over UN mandate renewals or regional actors, its impact is fragile.
Peacekeeping without political leverage or air support is humanitarian theatre, and that is what the Irish government is actively engaged in, buoyed on by public animosity (justified or not) to Israeli ethnic cleansing in Gaza. A scenario where either side kidnaps a dozen Irish soldiers, are blown to bits by a vindictive Israeli state, or are paraded in humiliation by Shia militants is net negative to Irish prestige.
Moral commitments must never outrun our capacity to protect our people. We have witnessed Irish troops in body bags before, but the sheer scale of death that could be inflicted on UNIFIL soldiers due to underpreparedness should the Israeli war machine be unleashed is something we are not ready for politically. Hard power is returning to the world and Ireland is left with a multilateral mindset from the 1990s.
A military disaster at UNIFIL would only accelerate the integration of the Irish Defence Forces into EU battlegroups, with Dublin likely to be reliant on European air lift and sea lift logistics should the situation on the ground become even more kinetic.
Ultimately, our values on the world stage must be linked to national capacity.
Withdrawal from UNIFIL, if necessary, should be principled and unapologetic; national well-being is not cowardice. Like Ukrain,e UNIFIL reveals the limits of idealism, our national humanitarianism when it comes to foreign policy must be matched by a cold reconciliation to how puny Ireland is militaril,y despite our international prestige and psychological bridge to the Global South,
As to the lessons from UNIF,L it is clear in the multipolar era that strategic clarity must replace sentimental peacekeeping. Participation in future UN missions should be guided by clear criteria- national interest, mission viability, and troop safety, not just legacy or tradition.
The Irish public supports peacekeeping but is often unaware of the geopolitical risks. It is also clear that regardless of the triple lock debate, the UN Security Council in an era of fragmentation is not fit for purpose, courtesy not only of Russia and China, or even the legacy presence of the UK but the zionist capture of US foreign polic,y nakedly on display the past month.
UNIFIL reminds us that being principled must never mean being naive. Ireland must match its moral standing with sovereign strategy, clearer policy thresholds, and a more agile UN engagement model.
Irish Neutrality must never be complacent passivity; instead, it must function as an active crafting of a third space between empire and resistance. Our strategic future lies in deepening this space with ultimate considerations for our homeland, not in echoing NATO or the UN chamber.
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Bartering Irish Neutrality…the everlasting Peace Commissions.
Credit to all our brave Irish Peace Troops but I suspect their being used for show…they would be most effective back home in Ireland now because there is no defence of Irish Borders and Towns, no defence of
Irish Sovereignty, Irish Neutrality, Irish Constitution or Irish People.
The UN has failed, is failing and allows Veto Power Players with conflicts
of interest to rule the roost, ignore its power or authority and has no determination to change for the better or honour it’s own International Obligations…or the ICJ.
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