Disclaimer: In recognition of Labour MEP Aodhán Ó Ríordáin’s support for the LGBTQIFAGPBDSM+ community in Ireland, he will be referred to in this article by his childhood nickname Gaydan O’Queerdon.
On Saturday September 6, the Prime Minister of Hungary Viktor Orbán attended the World Cup qualifiers match between Ireland and Hungary at the Aviva Stadium. In opposition to the leader of a fellow European Union member state visiting the Irish Republic, Labour MEP, Gaydan O’Queerdon declared in a September 5 communiqué that “Viktor Orbán is not welcome in Dublin.”
“We will make it clear to Orbán – loudly and peacefully—that Dublin stands with the Ukrainian people, with the LGBTQ+ community, and with all those who resist his brand of authoritarianism.
Irish people will not sit quietly while Orbán struts into our capital. Tomorrow, Dublin will speak with one voice: we are for freedom, for equality, and for justice. And Viktor Orbán is not welcome.”
— Gaydan O’Queerdon
Despite Gaydan’s promise of a riveting protest against the Hungarian leader, a photograph of the event shows dismal turnout—perhaps O’Queerdon merely imagined that his anti-Orbánist sentiment was shared amongst his countrymen?
Roderick O’Gorman, now the only Green Party TD in Leinster House following his party’s electoral wipe-out in the general election last year, commented on Orbán’s visit, saying: “let him see what proper freedom looks like.” In June, O’Gorman travelled to Hungary to attend the banned Budapest Pride march, alongside a plethora of liberal European politicians seeking to interfere with the domestic societal affairs of the Central European country.
What might Mr. Orbán have to say about O’Gorman’s cherished Irish “freedoms” if he was aware that a government party was instructing its local representatives to prevent independent candidates from appearing on the ballot in an upcoming presidential election?
Though the football match was a draw, one notices a staunch difference between the Irish and Hungarian attendees. Chants of “Hajrá Magyarok!” and “Ria, Ria, Hungária!” erupted from the Hungarian side of the stadium, while Irish footie fans could only muster a pathetic pro-Palestine banner and some flags.
Kneecap—the Northern republican knacker rap group which has previously received funding from the British government—weighed in on the match saying “Fuck Viktor Orbán.” Undoubtedly, the band must still be raging after they were banned from performing at Hungary’s Sziget Festival.
Irish officials ought to be particularly humiliated by the fact Orbán did not request any governmental meetings during his brief jaunt to the Emerald Isle. The fact that Irish political figures such as O’Gorman and Leo Varadkar have each taken personal umbrage with the conservative social values of Fidesz has almost certainly placed barriers between Irish officials and a sensible relationship with Hungary.
Further strain is placed on Irish-Hungary relations by Irish officials’ apparent support for Péter Magyar’s Tisza party which hopes to take down Fidesz in Hungary’s upcoming April elections. Dublin should understand that in siding against Fidesz as strongly as they have done so, they place themselves among very strange bedfellows. Perhaps this might have been why Viktor Orbán was not interested in meeting with Irish officials during his visit?
Consider that though Irish politicians laud their feminist credentials, their support for Péter Magyar is humorously divorced from them. Péter Magyar was accused of physical and emotional abuse by his ex-wife Judit Varga, Hungary’s former Minister of Justice, and while we here at The Burkean believe in a right to a fair trial, our friends in the Dáil are more of an unquestioning “believe all women” crowd. In what some might suggest is a trend indicative of Magyar’s character, his most recent ex-girlfriend Evelin Vogel has also publicly accused him of domestic abuse.
Hungary’s sloppy opposition includes figures such as the famous Hungarian feminist theologian Rita Perintfalvi, who according to Hungarian news reports, appeared in a 2006 pornographic film ominously titled “shit master.” Recorded in Vienna by a German studio, the film allegedly shows Perintfalvi reading a Hungarian translation of a book titled The History of Judaism, before she engages in playful sexual activities with human fecal matter. Perintfalvi has denied she was ever in such a film, despite convincing evidence to the contrary. Naturally, Perintfalvi is a supporter of the Tisza party. Another prominent member of the Tisza party Róka Réka, is also a former porn star.
Irish officials might not understand that the Tisza party they have implicitly supported through their condemnations of the Hungarian government, is a basket case filled with a myriad of odd personalities. However, in one area, the Irish government has proven a sense of ideological kinship with the Hungarian opposition: Ukraine.
Ireland is obsessively supportive of the Cossack country, to the stage at which our leaders—in a haze of insanity—refuse to engage with contrary opinions altogether. This is particularly clear with regards to Hungary’s policy towards Ukraine.
Taoiseach Micheál Martin condemned Hungary’s use of its veto rights to prevent Ukraine’s accelerated accession to the bloc, suggesting that the European Union must use its bureaucratic tools to punish the country for its stance.
“The Article 7 procedure is one of them, but I think we should pursue all instruments. We have always accepted the unanimous voting system in some respects. But it has been abused. And the European Union will become dysfunctional if this abuse continues. So we must not be afraid to use these tools.”
— Taoiseach Micheál Martin
Irish leaders’ manic support for a state previously dubbed “the most corrupt country in Europe” is a direct import from talking heads in Brussels, and consequently has prevented the government from even considering an inquiry with Hungarian officials as to why Hungary holds the stances it does. Though even if they so desired, there is no guarantee that such a request by Irish officials would even be acknowledged by their Hungarian counterparts.
One instance as to why Hungary holds the position it does, that might wake-up Irish officials, is that the Hungarian minority community in the Transcarpathian region of Ukraine is actively discriminated against by Zelenskyy’s government. For example, a Hungarian citizen was beaten to death by Ukrainian military officials during an attempt at forced conscription.
The Hungarian Prime Minister is certainly aware of the strange behaviour of the Irish government towards his country, particularly following Martin’s shocking comments on the use of Article 7 procedures against Hungary.
In response to these threats, Orbán simply asked of Martin: “Please don’t ruin the love story between Irish and Hungarian patriots!”
The histories of Ireland and Hungary fighting against neighbouring empires for their right to self-determination are deeply comparative. So much so, that the foundational statesman of the Irish Republic, Arthur Griffith, lauded the efforts of Hungarian nationalists which led to the 1867 Austro-Hungarian Compromise. In his book, The Resurrection of Hungary, Griffith framed the Magyar nation’s fight for freedom as a direct parallel to that of Ireland. Today, Hungary’s fight for sovereignty in a globalised world should warrant the consideration of Irish officials: why is a post-colonial nation such as our own, siding with liberal imperialism?
One wonders what the Department of Foreign Affairs might have to say about this recent debacle? Is there any feeling among the country’s diplomatic staff that the Irish-Hungarian relationship is being neglected—if not outright sabotaged, as a result of Ireland’s liberal folly? To put simply, if the head of a foreign government visits your country, and refuses to meet with your national leaders, you are doing something horribly, horribly wrong.
Orbán’s visit will no doubt be a bruise to the egos of Irish diplomatic officials whose job it is to maintain cordial relations with Hungary. Only time will tell if Irish officials with competencies for this area of our foreign relations will change their behaviour and pick up the slack. Perhaps next time Viktor Orbán visits Dublin, they might try to arrange some meetings themselves? Of course, only after issuing a sincere apology to the Hungarian government for Ireland’s schizophrenic behaviour.
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