The greatest folly of an Irish conservative is thinking that society is always on his side; many conservatives still believe that they are defenders of the status quo against the excesses of liberalism. May 25th shattered this. Regardless of how it’s spun to comfort the soft feelings of those on our side who fear facing reality, the Irish people voted for abortion and babies will die because of this. Looking forward, we may face the prospect of a liberal supermajority governing us.
Every establishment party in this country supported repealing the 8th Amendment. It is clear to anyone of sane mind that the establishment parties no longer stand for conservative principles (if they ever did) and therefore must be abandoned. As conservatives it is necessary for us to rally our efforts around a single party which is based on and will not deviate from principles of conservatism.
It is with this understanding of our present situation that I advocate joining the National Party. The National Party was launched by Eurosceptic and anti-abortion campaigner Justin Barrett. Since he was a teenager, Justin Barrett has consistently struggled against the forces which sought to legalise abortion in this land – this is a refreshing break from the unfortunately common occurrence of career politicians who flip flop on this particular issue. As well as this, Barrett was instrumental in the successful ‘No to Nice’ campaign of 2001.
Unlike every other major party in Ireland, the National Party is openly against the mass influx of immigrants which, if it continues at its current rate, will reduce the Irish people to a numerical minority within their own country well within the natural lifespan of Irish millennials.
Every major politician, whether out of cowardice, avarice or apathy will not touch this issue, despite it being of paramount importance. If we do not act, every martyred life, war and drop of blood spilt fighting to assert ourselves as a group will have been for nothing – we will have passively given up the right to say that this land belongs to us in exchange for a generic liberal state that if the housing crisis is anything to go by is unable to provide us as young people with the basic necessities our parents enjoyed.
An Ireland without the Irish is meaningless, the existence of an Irish nation is intrinsic to every aspect of our social and cultural wellbeing whether we realise it or not. The failures of mass immigration resulting in balkanised and atomised consumer societies governed over by increasingly technocratic and detached elite is plain to see across the Western world making our current infatuation with it even more ironic.
What modern mass immigration into Ireland represents and has represented since the 1990s has been a cynical and unspoken alliance between big business and liberals much to the detriment of the Irish nation.
Irish conservatives must re-evaluate where their priorities lie. They must understand that this struggle against left-liberalism means far more than just a struggle for lower taxes or a fight against an increasingly politically correct culture.
This struggle is for Ireland, her survival and revitalisation. This fight is for an authentic national identity against a formless, consumeristic and nihilistic Ireland – a fight against an Ireland represented by Leo Varadkar, Panti Bliss and Peter Sutherland and every sample of popular culture we consume. A fight for Pearse’s dream of an Ireland “not free merely, but Gaelic as well; not Gaelic merely, but free as well.”
A critique that I have heard is that the National Party is simply too extreme, especially in an era of liberal hegemony – and hence is doomed to spend its days in irrelevance. The answer to this is that in an era where even the basic moral principles around patriotism and the protection of the unborn have been inverted; to simply stand against this prevailing current is a radical act.
Despite the liberal Ireland of 2018 being on the surface unassailable politically and culturally the inherent contradictions and indeed rottenness of the entire edifice will in time tear it apart especially in a world where liberalism is visibly receding.
The history of Irish nationalism is the history of the vanguard, from the Young Irelanders through to the IRB co-opting the Irish Volunteers, we aim to write a new chapter going forward. For 20 plus years Irish conservatism (if it can be said to actually exist) has been negotiating its own decline, unsure how to handle the shattering of Church authority and how to navigate a new socio-economic environment which saw its power base crumble.
It is the belief of the National Party that only through a diet of true nationalism can any form of conservative political power be re-grouped. Currently if we are to be honest, the emerging Irish right stands the risk of being a franchised version of the Anglo-American right with zero authenticity to the Irish nation and people. For a country with a proud history of indigenous conservative and nationalist thought this is a particular tragedy.
The National Party is opposed to the attempts to undermine Irish sovereignty by the European Union. This is yet another area where the National Party dissents from the orthodoxy of the Irish political establishment happy to see the world in terms of mere GDP statistics, too cowardly to see our future as anything other than a globalised piece of meat in a European bloc.
Michael Martin once stated that he is against the “backward looking idea of sovereignty” – the National Party declares the inverse, it views sovereignty as a prospect to move towards. A sovereign Ireland is a great ideal and not something which is to be consigned to the dustbin of history.
Across Europe the tide of anti-globalist sentiment has smashed the smug sentiment of European federalism, the National Party desires to carry the flag for Ireland in this new anti-globalist paradigm. While Europhiles in the political and economic arena boast of the EU’s alleged role in dragging Ireland up from self-imposed agrarian poverty, we as nationalists understand that large transnational political unions will ultimately betray our country.
This belief in sovereignty relates to another core principles of the party: a belief in a 32 county United Ireland. The National Party organises north of the border and has declared its intentions to be a party for the north and the south, breaking the trend among Irish parties of merely paying lip service towards the idea of a united Ireland.
For too long Irish nationalism has been represented by third world imposters of the modern republican movement. Irish nationalism at its core is about the attainment of an Ireland culturally and politically autonomous, not as a pawn in some abstract Marxist power struggle or in the domain of 26 county parties indifferent to the north-eastern quarter of our country.
Ultimately the task facing the National Party is an impressive one, to re-engineer the Irish right to the modern world, capable of standing off against liberalism while at the same time being true to its origins.
One does not expect this to be done swiftly or even easily, but if Ireland is to survive then the vice-like grip of globalism must be broken. “A pin in the hands of a child could pierce the heart of a giant,” once mentioned James Connolly speaking of the ability of political vanguards to upset the status quo.
It is the aim of the National Party to attract the best and most radical of our generation to this cause of creating an Ireland worthy of both our ancestors and yet unborn future generations, and finally call time on the rule of liberalism selling short our future.