The Irish Independent recently ran a stark headline: “Not Enough Migrants to Keep Pay Down – Central Bank”. This claim came from the Central Bank’s July report in which they forecasted the effects of imminent full employment in Ireland.
In it they state that: “employment growth at or above the ‘full employment’ level is accompanied by strong growth in wages and prices. As the supply of labour is scarce relative to demand, workers’ bargaining power increases and the price of labour increases.”
So should Irish workers soon expect to see a free pay rise? Not if our ever-faithful banking class would have their way. They would sooner live in a third-world country than miss a chance at widening the class divide, and especially with the Irish taxpayer as their willing debt guarantor.
They go on to bemoan that an increase labour wages will result in a lesser increase in prices, and a slow-down in GDP growth. And so they have dutifully come up with a non-solution to their non-problem. They state that: “sustained increases in net inward migration will be needed in the coming years to ensure that growth will be not [sic] impeded by labour supply constraints.”
Their use of words like “needed”, “impeded”, and “supply constraints” gives us a glimpse into their neoliberal ideology. Namely that economic growth is always an unquestionable moral good. And any impediment to that good must somehow be a bad.
In this case, the impediment to their expansion of capital is any hesitancy within the Irish nation towards having their country become a vessel for the financially necessary inflows and outflows of migration. It seems like the Irish banking class would rather turn this country into a rootless money-making plantation than have it remain as the historic Irish nation.
And if the economic growth on this new plantation depresses the wages for the ordinary Irish worker, then so be it, let them eat cake.
With such open disregard for the Irish working class, one must ask where is the Irish Left? Those once formidable champions of the working class are nowhere to be found. They would just care too much about what their neighbour might think if they were to hold up a banner against mass labour importations. And so it is left to the new Irish Right to pick up the gauntlet and represent the interests of ordinary Irish workers.
And besides the modern Irish Left are just too busy making sure children see and hear the latest fantasies told by a group of grown men in dresses from the appropriately named: ‘Glitter Hole’. Or because leftists simply don’t have children, they are instead partaking in the new month-long corporate promiscuity parade.
Transfixed by all the demanding sexual issues facing a tiny proportion of the population, these virtuous activists just don’t have the time to think hard about the pressing realities facing Irish workers and Irish families.
In short, the once class-conscious Irish Left has been ideologically hijacked by neo-progressivism; a decadent new symbiosis of neoliberalism and progressivism.
Neoliberalism is roughly defined by unrestrained liberal corporatism, banking bailouts, austerity measures, financial predation on world markets, opposition to working class interests, brain-draining of poor countries and the generation of servile professions.
Progressivism is characterised by progressively looser morals, effete activism, faux outrage, sexual deviancy, image obsessiveness, bodily dysmorphia, depressive narcissism, low self-restraint, and a general attitude of hedonistic and nihilistic individualism.
Neoliberalism has spent the past few years fashioning and accommodating progressivism into becoming its PR-vehicle, capable of masking its greed and providing it with an air of moral legitimacy. A way to at least make them appear as if they are on the right side of historical progress. As such, their relationship as bizarre bedfellows has synthesised a new ideological offspring by the name of neo-progressivism.
Fine Gael is the quintessential example of an emergent neo-progressive political party in Ireland. They have been the all-too-willing yes-men for ECB bomb-threats, billions worth of bank-debt guarantees, Troika austerity budgets, EU militarisation, non-consummatable marriages, 12-week abortions-on-demand, imports of foreign labour, exports of native labour, the list goes on and on.
By redirecting the Left’s scatter-brained attention to purely corporate-friendly social agendas, Fine Gael has successfully neutralised the Left’s opposition to the greed and power of the moneymen. By capitalising on their useful idiocy, the Fine Gael government is now moving in lock-step with our banking class.
And so Fine Gael’s ‘Ireland 2040’ plan will oversee the necessary population increase of about one million. With a fertility rate below replacement level and the introduction of a progressive abortion regime, one can only conclude that this extra one million will have to be coming from some nondescript foreign location.
In order to manufacture consent from the Irish public for their plans, the Fine Gael government annually spent millions of their taxes to fund a ‘Department of Spin’, which churned out Ireland 2040 advertisements. These advertisements were then accused by opposition parties of imitating genuine news articles in local papers in order to fool readers.
Taxpayer-funded Fine Gael advertorials to promote the importation of a million nondescripts, all at the same time as presiding over a crisis of over 10,000 homeless people. One wonders what could possibly go wrong? Maybe there is a potential disconnect in the Fine Gael mindset as to the relationship between the supply and the demand for housing?
Or maybe this incoming foreign demand is encouraged by the land-owning class who back Fine Gael in order to skyrocket the values of their rental and property portfolios. Although one can only speculate on this matter, given that the politically correct media landscape will not seriously investigate Fine Gael’s migration policy.
In any case, we are now unfortunately seeing the demand rise from non-nationals for social housing, as they now represent over a third of those on the waiting list in Dublin. And in certain parts of north Dublin that figure rises to over 50% on the waiting list.
These figures raise the important question of why exactly it is the Irish taxpayers’ burden to house those coming from the world over. Especially when there are native Irish being left to die on the city streets every year.
Surely the common sense approach would be that if there is a severe housing shortage then we could start off by closing the country’s borders so as to limit the incoming demand for Irish housing? Then maybe go about housing our own Irish first, before thinking about how we should accommodate the rest of the world?
Yet any hesitancy towards mass migration into Ireland is always met with the same old retort that: “Well sure haven’t the Irish emigrated abroad for generations?” And so we have to behave like a welcome doormat to any and all who simply set foot here. No matter what their history or background is, or what it is they plan on doing here.
However, our answer to that retort should be that yes, the Irish did go abroad for generations, so much so that we now have a sizeable Irish diaspora. And should the need for immigration arise here, then those in the diaspora looking to return should be the very first people we invite back from exile with open arms.
Not going to happen in today’s compassionate Ireland though. Merely taking care of our own people first would be an act of white privilege. The neo-progressive class in Ireland have now reconfigured the native Irish as the ‘white Irish’ so as to slot them wholesale into their imported anti-white narrative.
This tedious catch-22 narrative consists of lecturing a target audience on how the -phobic/-ist white man and his civilisation are forever and always at the root of all worldly injustices. If one tries to refute it, one is accused of being in denial, and then denounced as being part of the very same problem. The ideological snag that leads to this way of thinking is their fundamental assumption that all hierarchies are evil.
This rigged narrative has become the ruling rhetorical device employed amongst the elite class in Ireland and throughout the Western world. And it is precisely the threat of this weaponised rhetoric, which when wielded, can falsely justify the minoritisation of the Irish in their own country, and even frame it as a ‘positive’ development.
The Irish public have been psychologically caught off-guard by this trick, and they have yet to come to grips with the philosophical root of this problem. The mental apprehension of this problem brings with it the necessary vocabulary to describe it, and once this vocabulary permeates into the public discourse it also enables the honest and effective voicing of collective discontent.
Having our words fail us results in very poor public discourse and debate, and the rigged anti-Irish rhetoric is left unassailed. As such, even the Irish Times reporting that the native Irish may become a minority in Ireland by 2050 has not caused serious public questioning or deliberation as to what our future is on this island.
And despite all of their political malfeasance, Fine Gael are still somehow leading in the polls. Their selling-out of the Irish nation to foreign vulture funds, low-tax tech-firms, and international pressure groups continues unabashedly. Not that the opposition parties in Dáil Éireann would likely fare any better mind you.
The public’s muteness in the face of this neo-progressive and materialist agenda merely aids the stratification of class in the name of equality, and abets the destruction of much of what is distinctive, spiritual and native to the Irish nation.
We are now seeing the removal of state compulsion to speak the Irish language or learn about Irish history. Irish Catholicism is bandied about as an absolute joke of a religion, whilst Irish wildlife is put under continual threat of extinction from unrestrained commercial activity and state apathy. Even the notion of Ireland as an ancestral homeland for the Irish people is now an affront to the neo-progressive zeitgeist.
The Irish people must ask themselves, how exactly does the current situation benefit them in any way whatsoever? How much of our heritage will we passively sacrifice to the neo-progressives in order to cowardly avoid being called some -phobic/-ist (or phobicist) word?
The only possessions which the Irish nation would not be willing to sacrifice are those which we collectively and consciously guard as being sacred. However, in a post-Catholic Ireland is there anything left which we still value as sacred? If Nietzsche was right and God truly is dead, then is the recovery of the sacred from its religious grave at all even possible?
All of which leaves us to wonder about what the appropriate response is to a ruling class which now holds the Irish people in contempt and operates against their interests. Although it seems that by now most Irish people are much too mired in technological comfort, pleasure pursuits and cyber-meandering to even take notice and react.
One potential remedy for this world-weariness is to take a hard look back at Irish history for inspiration. To search for whether a situation like this has arisen before and what the historic thinking and solution was.
The leaders of the 1916 Easter Rising stand out prominently as the archetypal Irish heroes, and especially for the Irish working class. These men wrote at length about worker’s rights, economic imperialism, the Irish language, Irish nationalism, poetry, and the meaning and consequence of one’s own selfless sacrifice for a greater good.
They shared a spiritual and mythological vision of a free and Gaelic Ireland in which the children of the nation would be cherished, not cheeringly aborted; the native language and traditions honourably upheld, not silently forgotten; and the nation’s destiny continually realised, not abandoned to distraction.
Perhaps that vision of Ireland is not quite lost yet. However Irishmen and Irishwomen need to urgently stand up together and speak out conscientiously against the ruling anti-Irish ideology. We must be conscious of the fact that it treats our continued existence with open disdain and hissful cynicism. We have to reject their snide and absurd argumentation that a simple affinity for one’s own kind and for one’s own people is equivalent to an irrational hatred or prejudice towards others.
If the neo-progressives are unable to engage in good faith argumentation on this point and continue to resort to ad hominem attacks of phobicist words, then they should be met with like-for-like counter-accusations of being anti-Irish and of hating the Irish people. Only by that method will they have a taste of their own medicine and be caught out for what they are. Our best defense is simply a good offense.
However, if the neo-progressives are left unchallenged and unopposed then they will keep on debasing the body politic and public discourse. Only their feel-good jargon of corporate-friendly newspeak will forever be heard: “Love is love, free-speech is hate-speech, diversity is strength.” Those on the Irish Right crucially need to redirect their oppositional energy towards perceptively criticising this vacuous PR-class of last men.
This class and their ideological superstructure currently rule the roost throughout all influential institutions in Ireland; such as Leinster House, the print and broadcast media, third-level academia, tech-corporations, the NGO cottage industry, etc. We therefore have to be extremely cautious in how we manage and direct our criticisms, lest they use their institutional power to denounce our commentary as intolerable heresies towards their morality of tolerance.
They will always oppose and try to frame the Irish Right in a negative light, except for precisely when we uncover and expose their own ideological underpinnings and shortcomings. If the neo-progressive reaction to a deconstruction of their worldview is a perfect petrification or a howling hysteria, then we know we have hit upon the right nerve and provided them with a much needed wake-up call.
Our primary purpose as a movement going forward should be the formation of an intellectual vanguard. It should be a grassroots organisation dedicated to the exposition of the fact that the neo-progressive empire has no clothes, nor even a leg to stand on. The empire’s only real remaining prerogatives are the propping-up of its own image, the enlargement of its capital and the indulgence of its vices. And even these priorities are beginning to eat into themselves.
This is because neo-progressivism lacks a noble existential meaning; a self-confirmable purpose for why it itself exists. Without this conscientious foundation, it can only generate existential dread in the minds of those who follow its logic. Such people are then left to just perpetually distract themselves from their own impending sense of dread, their own feeling of infirmity in the face of life’s totality.
Unless neo-progressivism’s lack of purpose is resolutely acknowledged and fully brought to light, we will not see an end to its rule in Ireland. The minority of dissenting voices addressing real problems here will only face further censorship, hate-speech laws and eventual imprisonment, until their opposition is altogether rendered absolete.
All whilst the nation’s desecration distends before our very eyes. We will continue to observe the young emigrate in their droves, the homeless left to die on the streets, the workers struggle on stagnant wages, the elderly abandoned in dying rural towns, and the unborn flushed down a toilet of a non-existent future. There is simply no rock-bottom to the neo-progressive moral order; and only until there is one’s own courage to stare into its valueless abyss, may there also be the will to transcend it.